Call for Disarmament and Kurdish National Question- Güneş Gümüş

The Kurdish people have endured great suffering and paid heavy prices, and continue to do so, in their struggle to achieve national and democratic rights throughout recent history. People deeply yearn for peace, stability, along with democratization, and equality. In this context, it is understandable why many among the Kurds have placed hope in this latest 'process,' centered around PKK leader Öcalan. When Bahçeli, the leader of fascist party in government with AKP, initiated this 'process,' he demanded Öcalan's release from prison and a speech from the parliamentary. Starting the negotiations with such high stakes raised hopes among the Kurdish national base— or at the very least, made them wonder, ‘What if?’ However, it turned out that Öcalan could not even deliver the anticipated statement via video, let alone from parliament. Imagine, even if the statement was to call on the 'organization to lay down arms,' it was not tolerated to be delivered via video. This is a clear indication that the far-right AKP-MHP coalition has no genuine intention of offering anything meaningful to the Kurdish people. Tens of thousands gathered in major Kurdish cities Diyarbakır and Van, eagerly awaiting the message that would be delivered. But the “process” proceeded following its spirit at this point as well.

Öcalan's written statement was extremely minimal in content. It boldly emphasizes that the PKK's raison d'être has disappeared and that the organization has outlived its usefulness. Meanwhile, ideas such as a nation-state, federation, or administrative autonomy were outright rejected, and even cultural demands were taken off the agenda. What remained was a call for a democratic society, respect for identities, and “integration with the state.” Yet, while Öcalan calls for democracy, the operations and arrests of Dem Party, Kurdish party in parliament, politicians continue at full speed, along with Turkey's tendency towards authoritarianism. As AKP’s tolerance for electoral democracy dwindles, mayors elected by significant margins are being removed and replaced with government-appointed trustees.

Given this level of repression against legal political parties, Öcalan’s emphasis on a democratic society remains little more than wishful thinking, especially when the political trajectory is heading in the opposite direction. After Öcalan’s letter was read, Sırrı Süreyya Önder shared an additional note from him:

"While presenting this perspective, it is clear that, in practice, laying down arms and dissolving the PKK would require the recognition of democratic politics and its legal framework."

This statement also reflects a similar weakness. Democratic politics may be desired, but can it really be expected from AKP-MHP’s goodwill! They have not even declared any intention to do so. The legal framework Öcalan refers to likely implies a political amnesty. But it must be emphasized: Suppose thousands of political prisoners are released—isn't it entirely possible that within a year, thousands more could be imprisoned again! The reality remains that there are no concrete guarantees for fundamental democratic rights and rule of law, not even within a bourgeois legal framework.

Whether Qandil will agree to lay down its arms remains to be seen, but the AKP-MHP coalition will undoubtedly present it as a great success if the PKK disarms itself. Although the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) has expanded its basing areas across northern Iraq, the Qandil Mountains, the PKK's main headquarters, are geographically located far to the south and extend into Iran. Therefore, the AKP will declare the elimination of Qandil as the final military victory in the “war on terror”.

The YPG/SDG’s statement that the current process "does not concern us" highlights the different dynamics at play in Syria and Rojava. Here, the real game will unfold between the U.S., Damascus, and Rojava, with AKP reinforcing its ally, the Colani regime. However, in this region, the key player remains the United States. Meanwhile, if the PKK were to dissolve itself in Iraq and Iran’s Kurdistan regions, it means giving up its historical claims in these regions – which is also a historical situation. Ultimately, this would strengthen Barzani’s claim to be the leader of the Kurdish people, as he enjoys particularly close ties with Ankara.

In Turkey, the demand for equal citizenship rights for Kurds will be carried forward by the Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (Dem Party). This is the plan, but as electoral democracy in Turkey is being wiped out, the question of what the Kurdish people can expect for the future is becoming increasingly important. The 'sit down and stay where you are, or else' attitude is clear evidence that there is no softening of the stance. Asking the Dem Party to “behave” is not only about Kurdish national and democratic demands. The fact that Dem Party and its voter base maintain an anti-AKP stance and have even explored a form of cooperation with CHP is itself seen as a reason for attack by AKP/MHP.

The AKP government does not take any step without taking domestic political balances into account. There are signs that calculations are being made to isolate the CHP and secure the Dem Party's support in a potential constitutional referendum. We will see clearer signs of this if the 'process' moves forward.

Ultimately, Kurdish workers have a strong yearning for peace, national rights, and a dignified life. However, the bourgeois system cannot meet these demands, so the solution must be sought outside the bourgeoisie. While far-right and authoritarian regimes are getting stronger and parliamentary systems are weakening all over the world, the AKP is increasing the dose of repression. The authoritarian tendencies in Turkey and the insincerity in resolving the Kurdish issue are clear. This is the state of the process.