SEP Declaration: What Does the Election Show, How to Get Prepared for the New Process?
Using the polarization of identities to the fullest, Erdoğan successfully emerged from the first round of the parliamentary and presidential elections. He managed to get the right-wing voters behind him by combining anti-Alevi,anti-Kurdish, and anti-LGBTI attitudes with the nonsense “external forces” discourse of nationalist ferocity. Issues such as family, religion, culture, alcohol, etc. were constantly discussed, and the working classes were made a party to a false camp. Although the situation is somewhat more positive in the laborer regions in the metropolitan areas, in general, in this election, cultural and identity elements were voted on, not the situation of the country and the people.
The opposition bloc made the greatest contribution to the creation of such an atmosphere. With its political combination and dedication to free market, the Nation Alliance front, even under the conditions of the economic crisis, constantly denigrated the street, frightened people from protests, and caused the masses to surrender to the right. This state of inaction was like medicine to the AKP; It paved the way for fascist parties such as MHP, YRP, and ZP.
Class actions make it possible for class agendas to outweigh identity agendas. Labor-centered actions pull the masses to the left; inaction and disorganization make the workers easy targets of nationalist-sectarian traps.
By surrendering to the prison of identity politics, the socialist left has inevitably contributed to the compression of the political climate into the polarization of identities. It has been clearly seen in this election that a left understanding that does not go beyond the universe of identities creates a state of blockage by narrowing the YSP (Kurdish Party) as well. This understanding of civil society politics, which also guides labor organizations such as KESK and DİSK, the most important left union confederations of the country, bears the responsibility for the passivity of the labor front even under the terrible conditions of economic crisis. This ineffectiveness paved the way for the AKP's victory.
The sympathy and votes TIP (Workers' Party of Turkey) received throughout the process reflect the popular sympathy towards the socialist left. This is a promising situation. On the other hand, without actual struggles and protests; without cadres, organizations, and revolutionary content, it will not be possible to create a real effect by staying essentially within the confines of parliamentary politics.
Our party carried out an independent revolutionary candidacy campaign around our leader Güneş Gümüş in the 1st District of Ankara. We evaluated the election process as productively as possible, as a revolutionary platform, regardless of the concern for votes. Our party organized new comrades in this process, entered new fields, introduced our revolutionary program and our party to the masses in the most effective way, and as such, it gained the appreciation and sympathy of all opposition segments. The experiences we have gained and the work we have done in this process have strengthened us considerably.
As we have emphasized many times before, relying on the ballot box is a great danger. Our starting point has to be the class struggle and organized-de facto struggle. The main task is to mobilize the working people and the poor and to win revolutionary cadres among the youth. We have to develop the necessary tools for this. The upcoming period is a process full of uncertainties, in which the people will become even poorer. That is why we will stand firm and focus on growing organized struggle. There's no point in despairing. Let's not forget that the laws of class struggle are bigger than Erdogan.